Tag Archive for: judge

Judge Refuses To Dismiss Batch Of Nicholas Sandmann’s Media Lawsuits In The Laziest Defamation Ruling I’ve Ever Seen

I am perplexed. Nicholas Sandmann, the Kentucky teenager who had a highly publicized and widely debated encounter in Washington DC is somewhat of a Rorshach Test for how you view the media. There are all sorts of interpretations of his encounter, and all sorts of arguments about the media coverage of that encounter — and much of it is driven by people’s prior beliefs. What should not be controversial, however, is that his ongoing series of SLAPP suits about the media coverage of that encounter are an attack on the 1st Amendment.

We were a bit surprised that (after first having the case thrown out before it was reinstated on very narrow grounds), the Washington Post agreed to settle, as did CNN. Given the basis of the case, and the nature of defamation law, it seemed highly likely that the cases settled for what is known as a “nuisance fee.” Less than it would cost to actually bring the case to conclusion, but not a significant amount to either media property. Of course, Sandmann’s lawyer has threatened to sue some more journalists and end careers of some who speculated on the nature of the settlements, though as far as I can tell, no such lawsuits have been filed.

That said, there was a long list of other Sandmann lawsuits filed against major media companies for reporting on his DC encounter. All of them are under the same judge, William Bertelsman, and he has now refused to dismiss all of them. The opinions in the cases against the NY Times, ABC News, Rolling Stone and CBS News are all virtually identical.

I will admit that I am perplexed by the judge’s reasoning in these cases, which does not seem anything even remotely like any other defamation case I’ve ever seen. Because the rulings are all pretty similar (with just some slight differences), we’ll just go through the ruling against the NY Times and highlight some of the oddities. The judge summarizes the case and then just says “well, I found the statement to be libelous in previous cases, and therefore it is here.”

The Complaint is based on the defendant’s news coverage of an event that occurred on January 18, 2019, during a visit by plaintiff Nicholas Sandmann and his fellow Covington Catholic High School students to Washington, D.C.

Greatly summarized, the Complaint alleges that Sandmann was libeled by the defendant when it published a news article stating that Sandmann, while at the Lincoln Memorial, “blocked” Native-American activist Nathan Phillips and “prevented Phillips’ retreat while Nicholas and a mass of other young white boys surrounded, taunted, jeered and physically intimidated Phillips.”….

This news story is alleged to be false and defamatory…. Sandmann further alleges that this publication by defendant and similar stories by other news media caused him to be harassed by the public, causing him great emotional distress….. Sandmann also alleges that defendant’s article “is now forever a part of the historical Internet record and will haunt and taint Nicholas for the remainder of his natural life and impugn his reputation for generations to come.”…

The motion to dismiss argues that this publication is not libelous, but the Court has ruled in companion cases that it is libelous. The Court continues to hold that opinion for the reason stated in such preceding cases. See Sandmann v. The Washington Post, Cov. Case No. 19cv19 (Docs. 47, 64); Sandmann v. Cable News Network, Cov. Case No. 19cv31 (Docs. 43, 44); Sandmann v. NBCUniversal Media, LLC, Cov. Case No. 19cv56 (Doc. 43).

So, there are a bunch of oddities already in here, but I’ll just focus on that last paragraph, in which the judge says that “the Court has ruled in companion cases that it is libelous” and then points to those other cases. But, that’s not what actually happened. The key case that matters here is the one against the Washington Post. The judge points to two documents in that case: 47 and 64, neither of which have the judge saying that these statements are libelous. In fact, the only thorough analysis of the statements comes in document 47 and it concludes that… what was written by the Washington Post was not libelous. It goes through it all pretty thoroughly and notes that the claims of libel are either protected opinion or not about Sandmann himself.

More to the point, this ruling — again by the same judge — says that what constitutes “blocked” is a subjective matter of opinion and thus not defamatory:

This is kind of important, because it’s the exact same statement that is the basis of all of these lawsuits that the judge refused to dismiss.

Yet, he says that he found that statement to be defamatory… while pointing to a filing in which he did the opposite. Now, in the later ruling that reinstated a tiny, limited part of the case (filing 64) involving that same statement, the judge says that he will allow for more discovery before deciding on whether or not they’re defamatory.

The Court will adhere to its previous rulings as they pertain to these statements except Statements 10, 11, and 33, to the extent that these three statements state that plaintiff “blocked” Nathan Phillips and “would not allow him to retreat.” Suffice to say that the Court has given this matter careful review and concludes that “justice requires” that discovery be had regarding these statements and their context. The Court will then consider them anew on summary judgment.

The other cases that the judge mentions as proving he found these statements libelous only point back to the Washington Post filing… that again says the opposite. So the judge is basing his ruling on the fact that he already found these statements to be libelous when he didn’t actually do that. It’s the most bizarre thing I’ve seen from a federal judge.

From there he goes on to quote the same paragraph (oddly leaving out quotation marks where they obviously belong):

As in other cases, the Complaint herein alleges that the defendant’s article quoted the following statement by Phillips:

It was getting ugly, and I was thinking: I’ve got to find myself an exit out of this situation and finish my song at the Lincoln Memorial, Mr. Phillips told The Post. I started going that way, and that guy in the hat stood in my way and we were at an impasse. He just blocked my way and wouldn’t allow me to retreat.

The Complaint alleges that this statement was false in that Sandmann did not block Phillips or interfere with him in any way, and that it conveys a defamatory meaning because it imputes to Sandmann racist conduct.

Note that this is again the same statement that the court originally found to be not defamatory and then later said he would allow discovery on, but over which the case settled before going much further. So I’m completely lost as to how the judge can say he already found this to be defamatory.

The parties agree that Kentucky law applies to this case. Under Kentucky law, a writing is defamatory “if it tends to (1) bring a person into public hatred, contempt or ridicule; (2) cause him to be shunned or avoided; or (3) injure him in his business or occupation.”… The allegations of the Complaint fit this definition precisely.

Wait… what? This leaves out more than a few things about defamation under Kentucky Law (and the 1st Amendment). It leaves out that the statements need to be false statements of fact, for example. Statements of opinion cannot be defamatory. That seems, you know, kind of… important?

The judge then rejects the NY Times’ citation of another case in the same circuit, saying that that was under Ohio law rather than Kentucky law. But that ruling was using standard 1st Amendment standards for defamation law that still apply in Kentucky. And the reasoning the judge gives makes no sense at all.

In Croce, a newspaper published an article that included unflattering allegations against the plaintiff, a university professor and cancer researcher. The Court held that, in “full context,” a “reasonable reader would interpret the article as a standard piece of investigative journalism” which simply reported “newsworthy allegations with appropriate qualifying language.”

That holding is inapplicable under the allegations of the Complaint here. Defendant published a statement by Phillips that was made after Sandmann had departed for home, a statement to which Sandmann had no opportunity to reply in real time. While Sandmann had such an opportunity later, and such evidence might be admissible to show lack of malice, it is not a defense to the defamatory meaning of Phillips’ original statement itself.

WHAT?!? That’s not how defamation law works at all. The question of whether or not someone has the ability to “reply in real time” has nothing to do with the standards for defamation law. Notice that the judge here doesn’t cite anything for claiming this. He just… says it. And, again the other case that the NY Times points to is exactly on point, whether it’s talking about Kentucky or Ohio. The 1st Amendment still exists. The fact that Phillips said stuff after Sandmann went home is… totally and completely irrelevant.

Also, let’s be clear here. This is a case about Phillips’ statement that he made to the Washington Post, which were then repeated in the NY Times (attributed to the Post). If this case were against Phillips, you might be able to squint and kinda sorta, but not really, find a way to say that there’s an argument here (again, no, not really). If this were the case against the Washington Post, again, you might be able to squint and see that, which is why the allowance for more discovery was made in the first place. But, how does Sandmann’s inability to reply to the Washington Post quoting Phillips in real time have anything whatsoever to do with the question of whether or not the NY Times is liable for defamation? It doesn’t.

The judge also rejects the Times’ statute of limitations claim, which under Kentucky law is one year. The lawsuit was filed 14 months after the incident. The judge says that since Sandmann is a minor, the statute of limitations is effectively extended until he turns 18. The Times argues that at the very least, the statute of limitations should have started ticking when he filed the original lawsuit against the Washington Post, but again the judge just says “nope.” Even though the NY Times pointed to previous rulings that agreed with their analysis of the statute of limitations the judge says that the procedural history in that other case was different (he doesn’t explain how or why) and that he “does not believe” that the original case the Times point to would be upheld if it were appealed. Which… is a take.

Anyway, this does not mean that Sandmann has yet won. It just means that these cases can move forward. And that’s dangerous for a few reasons. I’m not 100% sure, but it’s possible that the media defendants won’t be able appeal on this point (this gets beyond my knowledge of Kentucky civil procedure — but some laws allow for “interlocutory appeal” in which you can appeal specific aspects of a ruling, while others want you to wait until the court makes a final ruling on the case before it can go up on appeal). If that’s the case then appeals would have to wait until later in the case, after the case has gone on through more expensive stages — and that means that many of the media companies (and their insurance companies) may feel a lot of pressure to just throw a bit of money at Sandmann to make the case go away for less than it will cost to go through to the next round.

The NY Times has a history of not caving in cases like this, recognizing that it has to set the standard, so I hope it continues fighting. But it would not surprise me to see some of the other media companies also do “confidential settlements” that many people will judge as some huge victory for Sandmann.

All in all this is a very, very, very odd ruling that does not fit with any other defamation case I’ve seen, appears to go against plenty of precedent and, most bizarrely, has the judge citing his own rulings in a different case that say the exact opposite of what he claims it says in this case.

Techdirt.

Federal Judge Calls Out Qualified Immunity’s Contribution To Racist Policing

If you only read one qualified immunity decision this year, make it this one. (At least until something better comes along. But this one will be hard to top.) [h/t MagentaRocks]

The decision [PDF] — written by Judge Carlton W. Reeves for the Southern District of Mississippi — deals with the abuse of a Black man by a white cop. Fortunately, the man lived to sue. Unfortunately, Supreme Court precedent means the officer will not be punished. But the opening of the opinion is unforgettable. It’s a long recounting of the injustices perpetrated on Black people by white law enforcement officers.

Clarence Jamison wasn’t jaywalking.

He wasn’t outside playing with a toy gun.

He didn’t look like a “suspicious person.”

He wasn’t suspected of “selling loose, untaxed cigarettes.”

He wasn’t suspected of passing a counterfeit $ 20 bill.

He didn’t look like anyone suspected of a crime.

He wasn’t mentally ill and in need of help.

He wasn’t assisting an autistic patient who had wandered away from a group home.

He wasn’t walking home from an after-school job.

He wasn’t walking back from a restaurant.

He wasn’t hanging out on a college campus.

He wasn’t standing outside of his apartment.

He wasn’t inside his apartment eating ice cream.

He wasn’t sleeping in his bed.

He wasn’t sleeping in his car.

He didn’t make an “improper lane change.”

He didn’t have a broken tail light.

He wasn’t driving over the speed limit.

He wasn’t driving under the speed limit.

Every one of these is linked to a footnote that points to a news article or (in one case) a DOJ investigation dealing with white officers perpetrating violence and other rights violations against Black citizens. (The decision does not provide links to everything listed here. Although there are footnotes appended, only a couple contain actual URLs. I have linked to relevant stories where possible to provide context.)

The decision continues:

No, Clarence Jamison was a Black man driving a Mercedes convertible.

As he made his way home to South Carolina from a vacation in Arizona, Jamison was pulled over and subjected to one hundred and ten minutes of an armed police officer badgering him, pressuring him, lying to him, and then searching his car top-to-bottom for drugs.

Nothing was found. Jamison isn’t a drug courier. He’s a welder.

Unsatisfied, the officer then brought out a canine to sniff the car. The dog found nothing. So nearly two hours after it started, the officer left Jamison by the side of the road to put his car back together.

The officer claimed he had a right to perform the traffic stop. According to Officer Nick McClendon of the Richland Police Department, the temporary tag on the vehicle had “folded over,” making it impossible to read. Officer McClendon testified that this sort of thing happens when temp tags aren’t secured properly and the vehicle is traveling at highway speeds.

That’s what McClendon swore to. This is what he said when he was confronted with actual facts:

When Officer McClendon was shown the cardboard tag during his deposition, it showed no signs of being creased. The officer claimed that it either could have folded without creasing or that someone had ironed out the crease.

Yeah, I’m sure Clarence Jamison — frightened by a two-hour shakedown by a white cop — did exactly that: went straight home and ironed his dealer plate.

Here’s what Jamison testified he did after this two-hour roadside ordeal:

When I first got home, I couldn’t sleep. So I was up for like – I didn’t even sleep when I got home. I think I got some rest the next day because I was still mad just thinking about it and then when all this killing and stuff come on TV, that’s like a flashback. I said, man, this could have went this way. It had me thinking all kind of stuff because it was not even called for. . . .

Then I seen a story about the guy in South Carolina, in Charleston, a busted taillight. They stopped him for that and shot him in the back,33 and all that just went through my mind . . . .

I don’t even watch the news no more. I stopped watching the news because every time you turn it on something’s bad.

The court surmises Jamison is referring to the shooting of Walter Scott by South Carolina police officer Walter Slager. Scott was shot in the back by Slager as he ran away from the officer. Footage captured by a passerby’s cellphone appeared to show Officer Slager planting his Taser on the ground near where Scott fell. When the shots were fired, Scott was nearly 20 feet away from Slager. Nevertheless, Officer Slager radioed for help, claiming Scott had tried to grab his Taser.

Moving on from this point, Judge Reeves does something very few courts have: he runs down the history of Section 1983 lawsuits and their ties to both the 14th Amendment and the history of racism perpetrated by law enforcement.

Jamison brings his claims under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, a statute that has its origins in the Civil War and “Reconstruction,” the brief era that followed the bloodshed. If the Civil War was the only war in our nation’s history dedicated to the proposition that Black lives matter, Reconstruction was dedicated to the proposition that Black futures matter, too.

Following this came the 14th Amendment. These were all positive developments, but whites in the South didn’t think so. This includes Mississippi, where this case originates. Whites resented the rights given to Blacks, even though they were the same rights enjoyed by white people. Racism ensued.

In Mississippi, it became a criminal offense for blacks to hunt or fish,” and a U.S. Army General reported that “white militias, with telltale names such as the Jeff Davis Guards, were springing up across” the state.

[…]

The terrorism in Mississippi was unparalleled. During the first three months of 1870, 63 Black Mississippians “were murdered . . . and nobody served a day for these crimes.” In 1872, the U.S. Attorney for Mississippi wrote that Klan violence was ubiquitous and that “only the presence of the army kept the Klan from overrunning north Mississippi completely.”

Section 1983 — which allows citizens to sue government employees for rights violations — is derived from the Ku Klux Klan Act. Congress realized local law enforcement agencies were acting like unofficial wings of the KKK, frequently engaging in violence against Black people. Unfortunately, this proved to be little more than a speed bump as far as systemic racism went.

“By 1873, many white Southerners were calling for ‘Redemption’ – the return of white supremacy and the removal of rights for blacks – instead of Reconstruction.” The federal system largely abandoned the emancipationist efforts of the Reconstruction Era. And the violence returned. “In 1874, 29 African-Americans were massacred in Vicksburg, according to Congressional investigators. The next year, amidst rumors of an African-American plot to storm the town, the Mayor of Clinton, Mississippi gathered a white paramilitary unit which hunted and killed an estimated 30 to 50 African-Americans.” And in 1876, U.S. Marshal James Pierce said, “Almost the entire white population of Mississippi is one vast mob.”

It took nearly 100 years for federal courts to reverse the bigotry of the Southern emancipation backlash.

It was against this backdrop that the Supreme Court attempted to resuscitate Section 1983. In 1961, the Court decided Monroe v. Pape, a case where “13 Chicago police officers broke into [a Black family’s] home in the early morning, routed them from bed, made them stand naked in the living room, and ransacked every room, emptying drawers and ripping mattress covers.” The Justices held that Section 1983 provides a remedy for people deprived of their constitutional rights by state officials. Accordingly, the Court found that the Monroe family could pursue their lawsuit against the officers.

Clarence Jamison, a Black man traveling through Mississippi — probably noticed things hadn’t improved much over the last 50 years. Here’s a brief glimpse of his treatment by Officer McClendon:

According to Officer McClendon, he walked back to the passenger side of Jamison’s car before hearing from NCIC. He later admitted in his deposition that his goal when he returned to Jamison’s car was to obtain consent to search the car. Once he reached the passenger side window, Officer McClendon returned Jamison’s documents and struck up a conversation without mentioning that the EPIC background check came back clear. Thinking he was free to go after receiving his documents, Jamison says he prepared to leave.

[…]

According to Jamison, however, as he prepared to leave, Officer McClendon put his hand over the passenger door threshold of Jamison’s car and told him to, “Hold on a minute.” Officer McClendon then asked Jamison – for the first time – if he could search Jamison’s car. “For what?” Jamison replied. Officer McClendon changed the conversation, asking him what he did for a living. They discussed Jamison’s work as a welder.

Officer McClendon asked Jamison – for the second time – if he could search the car. Jamison again asked, “For what?” Officer McClendon said he had received a phone call reporting that there were 10 kilos of cocaine in Jamison’s car. That was a lie. Jamison did not consent to the search.

Officer McClendon then made a third request to search the car. Jamison responded, “there is nothing in my car.” They started talking about officers “planting stuff” in people’s cars. At this point, Officer McClendon “scrunched down,” placed his hand into the car, and patted the inside of the passenger door. As he did this, Officer McClendon made his fourth request saying, “Come on, man. Let me search your car.” Officer McClendon moved his arm further into the car at this point, while patting it with his hand.

As if four asks were not enough, Officer McClendon then made his fifth and final request. He lied again, “I need to search your car . . . because I got the phone call [about] 10 kilos of cocaine.”

Jamison — tiring of McClendon and perhaps feeling this would speed things up — agreed to a search. A very invasive and thorough search was conducted but nothing was found.

Officer McClendon later testified that he searched Jamison’s car “from the engine compartment to the trunk to the undercarriage to underneath the engine to the back seats to anywhere to account for all the voids inside the vehicle.”

[…]

Officer McClendon admitted in his deposition that he did not find “anything suspicious whatsoever.”

When the search fails, maybe it’s time to call in the Yes Man, which is actually a dog that can give cops permission to engage in searches.

However, he asked Jamison if he could “deploy [his] canine.” Jamison says he initially refused. Officer McClendon asked again, though, and Jamison relented, saying “Yes, go ahead.” Officer McClendon “deployed [his] dog around the vehicle.” The dog gave no indication, “so it confirmed that there was nothing inside the vehicle.”

It may not have ended in death or injury. But it was an injustice all the same. The suspicionless search lasted almost two hours. That’s two hours Clarence Jamison will never have back. And it’s two hours he could have used at that point, as the court notes:

This explains why [Jamison] was tired. Here he was, standing on the side of a busy interstate at night for almost two hours against his will so Officer McClendon could satisfy his goal of searching Jamison’s vehicle. In that amount of time, Dorothy and Toto could have made it up and down the yellow brick road and back to Kansas. See Lee Pfeiffer, The Wizard of Oz, ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA (Mar. 19, 2010) (noting the 101-minute run time of the 1939 film). If Jamison was driving at 70 MPH before being stopped, in the 110 minutes he was held on the side of the road he would have gotten another 128 miles closer to home, through Rankin, Scott, Newton, and Lauderdale counties and more than 40 miles into Alabama.

But at the end of all of this, there’s nothing for Clarence Jamison, who was subjected to what appears to be a racially motivated fishing expedition by a white cop. Why? Because the Supreme Court has made it almost impossible to hold cops accountable for their rights violations, especially when a cop is clever enough to violate rights in a way the court hasn’t addressed before.

Given the lack of precedent that places the Constitutional question “beyond debate,” Jamison’s claim cannot proceed. Officer McClendon is entitled to qualified immunity as to Jamison’s prolonged detention and unlawful search claims.

This isn’t acceptable, the judge points out. The Supreme Court has ordained abuse of rights by narrowing its self-crafted qualified immunity doctrine to such a sharp point it’s almost impossible for plaintiffs to overcome. This is complete bullshit says Judge Reeves, even as he recognizes he cannot rule any other way. Here’s a list of rights violations deemed to be acceptable by courts, due to a lack of on-point precedent.

A review of our qualified immunity precedent makes clear that the Court has dispensed with any pretense of balancing competing values. Our courts have shielded a police officer who shot a child while the officer was attempting to shoot the family dog; prison guards who forced a prisoner to sleep in cells “covered in feces” for days; police officers who stole over $ 225,000 worth of property; a deputy who bodyslammed a woman after she simply “ignored [the deputy’s] command and walked away”; an officer who seriously burned a woman after detonating a “flashbang” device in the bedroom where she was sleeping; an officer who deployed a dog against a suspect who “claim[ed] that he surrendered by raising his hands in the air”; and an officer who shot an unarmed woman eight times after she threw a knife and glass at a police dog that was attacking her brother.

The courts are supposed to protect citizens’ rights. The Supreme Court has made it impossible for courts to do that.

If Section 1983 was created to make the courts “guardians of the people’s federal rights,’” what kind of guardians have the courts become? One only has to look at the evolution of the doctrine to answer that question.

Once, qualified immunity protected officers who acted in good faith. The doctrine now protects all officers, no matter how egregious their conduct, if the law they broke was not “clearly established.”

Nearly 60 years later, politicians, who are unable to continue ignoring police violence against citizens, are looking to strip this protection away from officers. But they’re fighting an uphill battle against entrenched unions, powerful law enforcement allies in legislatures, and the Supreme Court itself. And the nation’s top court seems unwilling to correct its unforced error. Qualified immunity has given cops permission slips to engage in rights violations and severe misconduct. Crime, for the most part, continues to remain at historic lows. Despite this, police officers are still killing people at the rate of ~1,000/year with no sign of slowing down. That’s on top of rights violations that never seem to decline, no matter how much criminal activity does. Qualified immunity encourages abuse and that encouragement — the Supreme Court’s implicit blessing — is still felt most by Black citizens who have been the target of police violence and abuse for well over 200 years.

Techdirt.

Judge rules Capital One must hand over Mandiant’s forensic data breach report – CyberScoop

Judge rules Capital One must hand over Mandiant’s forensic data breach report  CyberScoop
“data breach” – read more