Tag Archive for: would

Another Zombie Bad Idea That Just Won’t Die: Copyright Small Claims Court Would Be A Free Speech Disaster

Going all the way back to 2012, we were highlighting why a copyright “small claims court” might be problematic. It’s been in discussion for a long, long time. There are some legitimate complaints from copyright holders that bringing a federal case is kind of expensive. But that’s because it should be expensive. When Congress got serious about this issue back in 2016, we wrote about how it would be a huge tool for copyright trolls. Earlier this year lawyer Cathy Gellis explained how the law was a total disaster, in that it was built with the assumption that all copyright claims are legitimate ones. But that’s a laughable claim — as copyright lawsuits (and threats of lawsuits) are quite frequently used either to just shake people down for money or as a way of suppressing free speech.

Make it even easier to sue over copyright, and you can bet that it will be used much more often — meaning with significantly more abuse.

We also had a guest post from lawyer Robert S. Schwartz, highlighting a very important point. One of the reasons why, historically, copyright law hasn’t been as big of a concern for suppressing free speech was because of copyright toleration. That is, even though basically everyone infringes on many people’s copyrights every single day, we’ve mostly “tolerated” many infringements, because common sense tells us that the law couldn’t have been meant for such things.

But, as we lower the barriers to filing a copyright lawsuit, we throw this “toleration” out the window, and, with it, we open the floodgates for censorship. Congress is, once again, considering creating a small claims court for copyright, HR 3945, or the CASE Act. The House Judiciary Committee held a hearing on the bill just last week, which mainly consisted of the same people saying the same things. You might have missed it, because it was happening at the same time as the Senate was holding it’s dog and pony show concerning Brett Kavanaugh.

As Katharine Trendacosta at EFF wrote last week, the concept behind this bill turns copyright and speech into speeding tickets:

…copyright claims should not be bulk-processed like traffic tickets—especially not when statutory damages under the CASE Act are so much higher than in traffic court, requiring no proof of actual harm. And especially not when the case won’t be heard by an actual judge, one whose job description doesn’t place copyright at the center of the legal universe.

During the hearing, proponents of the bill constantly pointed to the bill’s “opt-out” mechanism as the be-all, end-all answer to this problem. That argument very much misses the point. Proposed changes to CASE would add a second notice to be served to someone being accused of infringement under the new regime. That means the first notice to opt-out would look like spam and the second would like a legal summons, which people don’t traditionally have the option of opting out of.

The average person, faced with being served in the same way they would be for a real lawsuit, is not going to understand that they can opt out of this system. When people have enough trouble understanding how to challenge false DMCA notices, how are they going to know how to respond to a confusing summons from Washington, D.C.?

One of the participants at the hearing, CCIA’s Matt Schruers also highlighted how there’s no clear evidence that there’s some how a true “barrier” to filing copyright lawsuits today:

The idea that copyright plaintiffs are generally underserved by the existing remedies toolbox is somewhat difficult to reconcile with current data about copyright plaintiffs’ utilization of the federal court system. As I discussed with the Subcommittee in 2014, the statutory damages system has incentivized plaintiffs to inundate the federal litigation docket with instances of predatory enforcement, often referred to as copyright “trolling,” similar to the phenomenon of patent trolling. As one news publication noted, “[t]he existing digital copyright system has also led to claims of abuses, bizarre false positives, political censorship, and even fraud”. Some plaintiff misconduct that I identified in my 2014 testimony has led to criminal convictions.

Since we last discussed copyright remedies four years ago, these cases continue to clog federal courts. In 2014, I discussed the proliferation of multi-defendant John Doe complaints in federal copyright litigation, many of them involving pornography. At that time, recent research from Professor Matthew Sag found that these John Doe cases comprised the majority of copyright cases in over 20% of U.S. federal trial courts, and a third of federal copyright cases involved pornography. Today, the data shows that this problematic trend has continued. A 2018 article co-authored by Prof. Sag finds that John Doe suits by these serial litigants account for nearly half of all copyright cases filed in the U.S. from 2014 to 2016, including around 10,000 lawsuits, implicating hundreds of thousands of defendants,7 some wrongfully accused.

This is potentially a huge deal. While supporters of the bill keep insisting that this won’t have a huge impact, all of the evidence of how copyright law is already abused suggests otherwise. We live in a world where, every new piece of creative work since 1978 automatically gets a copyright. And, just as that was happening, the internet was growing and building a global network of connected computers, which basically are “copying” content all the time. Some of that is clearly unfair to the creators/copyright holders of those works. But much of it is purely innocent and harmless. And we’ve survived in that we let most of that go. But opening up a small claims effort will drastically change the equation, leading to much greater attempts to censor.

Unfortunately, many in Congress don’t seem to realize that this is already happening. As the EFF post notes:

Both some members of the House Judiciary Committee and entertainment industry witnesses during the hearing seem convinced that copyright trolls and the average small user who does not understand this process are “hypothetical.” Neither of these things is hypothetical. Lawsuits against individual Internet users alleging copyright infringement over BitTorrent networks—one of the most prolific types of copyright trolling—are just under half of all copyright lawsuits in the U.S. The plaintiffs in these cases pursue landlords and nursing home operators, elderly people with little or no knowledge of the Internet, and deployed military personnel. As is often the case in situations like these, the people hurt will not be major companies, but small businesses and individuals.

Copyright has long had an extremely uneasy balance with the First Amendment and free speech. The CASE Act and a small claims court for copyright would completely shift the way that balance works, massively tilting the scales away from free speech.

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When Would Russia’s Cyber Warfare Morph Into Real Warfare? Refer To The Tallinn Manual

  1. When Would Russia’s Cyber Warfare Morph Into Real Warfare? Refer To The Tallinn Manual  Forbes
  2. Full coverage

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No Matter What You Think Of Julian Assange, It Would Be Harmful For Press Freedoms For The US To Prosecute For Publishing Leaks

Let’s be clear: I know that many people — perhaps entirely reasonably — really, really dislike Julian Assange and Wikileaks. For some people that feeling has been there for years. For others it’s related directly to the role that Wikileaks played in helping to release hacked emails designed to impact the 2016 election. There certainly appears to be plenty of evidence that, at the very least, Wikileaks was in contact with Russian operatives and made plans to try to get and release documents at times that would have the maximum impact on the election. As I’ve said over the years, I don’t have much respect for Assange who, among other things, often appears to be a total hypocrite. However, I have also made clear that prosecuting him and Wikileaks for doing nothing more than publishing leaked documents would set a horrible precedent. I feel similarly about the DNC’s silly lawsuit as well.

The DOJ has apparently has been trying to indict Assange for more than 8 years now with nothing to show for it yet. In large part, this is because what Wikileaks has done is really no different than what any news publication does when publishing leaked documents. There may be laws against leaking certain documents to the press, but the First Amendment completely bars lawsuits against the recipients of leaks then publishing them.

This is in the news again as reports are brewing that Ecuador is expected to withdraw asylum for Assange, possibly handing him over to British officials, who may in turn hand him over to the US. When I discussed this on Twitter recently, a bunch of people responded angrily that Assange deserves to be in jail because of his role in the 2016 election. But when pressed to explain how what he did was any different than the NY Times or CNN in publishing leaked documents, people go quiet — or the say something silly like “but those other news orgs are based in fact.” But, that’s a silly argument. First of all, nothing that Wikileaks has published has been shown to be false or faked (the DNC made some claims to that effect but no one ever presented any evidence or pointed to any faked documents). Second, given the propensity of some — including the President of the United States — to argue that the NY Times, CNN, the Washington Post and others are “fake news,” do we really want to be setting the precedent that if you publish something false you can get prosecuted for it?

Earlier this year, Avi Ascher-Schapiro published a piece for the Committee to Protect Journalists focusing on the DNC’s silly case against Wikileaks, but much of it could apply to a federal prosecution as well:

The case raises a number of important press freedom questions: Where should courts draw the line between source-building and “conspiring”? What activities could implicate a journalist in a source’s illegal behavior? Would putting a SecureDrop link soliciting leaks count as illegal conspiracy? And if a reporter asked for documents on an individual while indicating that they think the person deserves to be exposed, would that count as shared motive, or is the only truly protected activity passively receiving leaks, like radio host Vopper?

“There is a spectrum that run on one side from someone dropping a plain manila envelope, to the other extreme where you actually steal the documents yourself,” said David McCraw, deputy general counsel for The New York Times. “The line in the middle is still being determined by the courts.”

David Bralow, an attorney with The Intercept, added, “It’s hard to see many of WikiLeaks’ activities as being different than other news organizations’ actions when it receives important information, talks to sources and decides what to publish. The First Amendment protects all speakers, not simply a special class of speaker.”

Some will argue that Assange should be prosecuted for conspiring with the Russians, but again let’s see what actual evidence there is to support such a claim. And, as we see above, what counts as “conspiring” is pretty important here. Tons of news sites now use SecureDrop or similar means to recruit sources and documents. Is that “conspiring”? Because if it is, that’s a huge blow to press freedom.

Even if you hate Assange and Wikileaks, please take a moment to consider how a prosecution of him for publishing documents, even if they were taken by nefarious means by a hostile foreign government, would set an absolutely terrible precedent for press freedom in America.

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GDPR: The Biggest Data Breaches And The Shocking Fines (That Would Have Been)

  1. GDPR: The Biggest Data Breaches And The Shocking Fines (That Would Have Been)  Forbes
  2. GDPR will increase reported breaches and trigger a flood of ‘Right to be Forgotten’ requests  TNW
  3. Yahoo’s EU regulator orders privacy changes over data breach  Yahoo Finance UK
  4. Full coverage

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